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As a major component of the Nigerian society, Ndiigbo have played significant roles in the country’s historical evolution and will continue to do so as far as the eye can see. The post-Independence era has brought tragic experiences to the average Nigerian and particularly to Ndiigbo who bore the brunt of the ravages of the Nigerian Civil War and its aftermath. Ndiigbo, before the Civil War, had been at the cutting edge of the nation’s evolutionary process as shown by their leadership roles in the struggle for self-rule, post-colonial Armed Forces, Federal bureaucracy, academia and establishment of indigenously controlled commercial network across the country. Such a vantage position may have been contributory to the envious hostility that energized the 1966-67 pogroms and the subsequent genocidal Civil War that cost the lives of estimated 1.5 million Igbos and their neighbors. The post-Civil War national politics has in many ways been predicated on an unspoken tacit agreement by certain interest groups to regard the marginalization of Ndiigbo as an essential ingredient for fashioning their vision of a post-Civil War Nigeria. The implementation of this unholy conspiracy was facilitated by the use of military dictatorship to rule the country for more than three decades, knowing that Ndiigbo have been excluded from the military establishment since the conclusion of the Civil War.

As fate would have it, this conspiracy has run out of steam because the military establishment has reared monsters within its ranks that ended up devouring some of its own while bringing the nation to the brink of abject poverty and sociopolitical paralysis. But now, just like in the eve of Independence, Nigerians are once more filled with visions of progress and prosperity for our nation as we gear up to join the rest of humanity to usher in the new millennium. The politics and economic policies of the past three decades, from which the input of Ndiigbo have virtually been excluded, are now mired by an inextricable logjam because both have become repulsive and unacceptable to Nigerians, in particular and the entire world community, at large. Ndiigbo should see Nigeria’s new commitment to democracy and free-market economic policies as God-sent and as veritable tools for them to utilize in reasserting and reestablishing their leadership and influential role on the national stage. For this opportunity to be utilized effectively in a timely manner, Ndiigbo should first articulate and understand what their strategic interests are and devise the means for attaining and projecting them.

The Igbo cultural value system is grounded in the belief that each individual being is innately imbued with a spirit force, the Chi, with which he navigates his cosmos as well as link up to the Supreme Spirit or God. The respect for the individual and his Chi underlies the evolution of the traditional Igbo political structure which is republican in nature. Conduct of community’s affairs is based more on consensus when possible or on the prevalence of the will of the majority. The elders are still regarded as the custodians of cultural wisdom and their views are usually deferred to in times of crisis or divisive controversy. In spite of the introduction of Christianity and European political influence, this unique characteristic of the Igbo society has endured. The self-willed nature of the Igbo may have been responsible for his inclination to explore distant terrains for new opportunities for self-enhancement. Ndiigbo should nurture and preserve this core essence of their indigenous cultural value system even as they imbibe external influences of modernity and technological advancement. The Osu issue is a relic of the indigenous Igbo religious practices which has, for all practical purposes, been replaced by Christianity. It is to the strategic interest of contemporary Igbo society for it to devise an effective procedure to expunge the festering sore of the Osu caste system, which belongs to the religious belief of a bygone era.

The Igbo society acknowledges and respects individual achievement in all realms of human endeavor. Most people, who may not have been able to excel in academics, professional careers and politics, could still make their mark through the acquisition of material wealth. The devastation of the Civil War and the subsequent constriction of many official avenues for advancement of Ndiigbo who were perceived to have been defeated, compelled a generation of their youths to pursue self-redemption through the acquisition of material wealth. The oil boom of the 70s provided the impetus for hordes of them to migrate into the major cities where they partook in the brisk retail commercial activities that were made possible by Nigeria’s increased petroleum revenue. A cadre of Igbo entrepreneurs has emerged since then and are now playing commanding roles throughout the country in the distribution and retail of automobile spare parts and accessories, building materials, electronic goods and pharmaceuticals amongst others. Land transportation nationwide is mostly provided by the Ekene Dili Chukwus, Izu Chukwus and the Young Shall Grows and others whose bus networks are owned and operated by Igbo entrepreneurs. With the expectant expansion in the economy, as a result of privatization and liberalization, the dominant status of Ndiigbo in these crucial aspects of the nation’s economy will become even more palpable in the coming decades.

The strategic political interests of Ndiigbo should be reflected at the local, regional and national levels. It will be a daunting task to optimize Igbo strategic political interests in the Nigerian Federation if a regional operational agenda is not first evolved between the core Igbo states and the neighboring states of Cross River, Akwa Ibom, Rivers, Bayelsa and Delta. For Ndiigbo to maximize their economic potential, they need a direct unimpeded access to the Atlantic shores. The present situation where Ndiigbo prefer to do most of their maritime trade through Lagos port instead of Port Harcourt and Calabar ports no longer makes economic or political sense. Igbo political thinkers and leaders must find a way to approach their neighbors in the Niger Delta and southeastern coastline, as equal partners, to map out a program for political cooperation and regional economic development. Ndiigbo should strongly identify with the ongoing national effort to work out an acceptable method for ensuring economic justice for the inhabitants of the Niger Delta whose ancestral land is producing the wealth of Nigeria. It is to the best interest of Igbos to fight for the right of states to be the main beneficiaries of resources that originate form their domain instead of the present set up that allows for absolute control by the Federal Government.

On the national level, the Igbo commitment to the building of a strong and indivisible federation should be unequivocal. This viewpoint is well grounded on historical precedents and the fact that Ndiigbo are obviously the most widely dispersed of all the ethnic nationalities in Nigeria. In the footsteps of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr. Michael Okpara, Dennis Osadebey, K. O. Mbadiwe, Dr. Akanu Ibiam, Nwafor Orizu, Muokwugo Okoye, Z. C. Obi and a host of others who were at the frontline for a nationalist struggle for self-rule, Ndiigbo must remain devoted to the belief that their interests are best represented and protected within the context of a strong, united and democratic Nigerian nation. It was in furtherance of a vision for a just and united Nigeria that Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu led the first military intervention to topple the First Republic. Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi was assassinated because he was trying to institute a unitary government as a means of diminishing the overwhelming influence of ethnocentric political leaders of the post-Independence era. That Ndiigbo opted to secede from Nigeria was directly precipitated by inability of the powers that were in control then to guarantee the safety of our lives and property in the aftermath of the Northern-led coup that ousted Ironsi’s unitary government. Ndiigbo, in adroit demonstration of our faith in the continued survival of a united Nigeria, have since reestablished residence in all nooks and corners of the Federation.

The Igbo homeland is mostly based in the equatorial rain forest and a combination of population growth and poor management of land resources have contributed to substantial environmental degradation that manifests itself through the emergence of gully erosion, silting of streams and clogging of the waterways. The pressure to develop our communities has led to massive deforestation and haphazard construction of roads that often disrupt established flood channels without provision of alternative drainage systems. Indigenous Igbo culture attaches a unique spiritual value to land and its desecration through conscious acts or by default remains unacceptable. It is a strategic interest of Ndiigbo to lead in the establishment of sound environmental management policies to check the present crisis in their home base, oil-producing areas of the Niger Delta and in arresting the steady southward advance of the Sahara Desert.

The strategic interests of Ndiigbo, when properly articulated and understood, should provide guidance to those who may wish to aspire to lead or represent them, particularly within the context of the Nigerian nation. Igbo political pundits and commentators should have a yardstick with which to rate their leaders, friends and allies. The present practice of using short-term political trends to justify sweeping and far-reaching commentaries on the fate of Ndiigbo is amateuristic and ultimately counterproductive. Politicians can, of course, utilize any opportunities available to them to voice their views on issue that may have special appeal for the constituencies that they represent. Responsible opinion molders should, however, demonstrate restraint and equanimity in enunciating their perceptions in order not to misinform the same people for whom they claim to advocate. The present political climate in the nation offers Ndiigbo, in particular and the rest of their compatriots, in general, a unique chance to harness our human and material resources for an unprecedented economic transformation of Nigeria in the first decade of the new millennium. Strategic interests of Ndiigbo, when judged with an unbiased mind, are compatible with the hopes and aspirations of a huge segment of the Nigerian population, irrespective of diversity in ethnocultural backgrounds. I make bold to assert that Igbo strategic interests, if pursued and accomplished, will go a long way in making Nigeria a better place for all its citizens.

Osondu
The Survival Struggle for Ndiigbo

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