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a major component of the Nigerian society, Ndiigbo have played significant
roles in the country’s historical evolution and will continue
to do so as far as the eye can see. The post-Independence era has
brought tragic experiences to the average Nigerian and particularly
to Ndiigbo who bore the brunt of the ravages of the Nigerian Civil
War and its aftermath. Ndiigbo, before the Civil War, had been at
the cutting edge of the nation’s evolutionary process as shown
by their leadership roles in the struggle for self-rule, post-colonial
Armed Forces, Federal bureaucracy, academia and establishment of
indigenously controlled commercial network across the country. Such
a vantage position may have been contributory to the envious hostility
that energized the 1966-67 pogroms and the subsequent genocidal
Civil War that cost the lives of estimated 1.5 million Igbos and
their neighbors. The post-Civil War national politics has in many
ways been predicated on an unspoken tacit agreement by certain interest
groups to regard the marginalization of Ndiigbo as an essential
ingredient for fashioning their vision of a post-Civil War Nigeria.
The implementation of this unholy conspiracy was facilitated by
the use of military dictatorship to rule the country for more than
three decades, knowing that Ndiigbo have been excluded from the
military establishment since the conclusion of the Civil War.
As
fate would have it, this conspiracy has run out of steam because
the military establishment has reared monsters within its ranks
that ended up devouring some of its own while bringing the nation
to the brink of abject poverty and sociopolitical paralysis. But
now, just like in the eve of Independence, Nigerians are once more
filled with visions of progress and prosperity for our nation as
we gear up to join the rest of humanity to usher in the new millennium.
The politics and economic policies of the past three decades, from
which the input of Ndiigbo have virtually been excluded, are now
mired by an inextricable logjam because both have become repulsive
and unacceptable to Nigerians, in particular and the entire world
community, at large. Ndiigbo should see Nigeria’s new commitment
to democracy and free-market economic policies as God-sent and as
veritable tools for them to utilize in reasserting and reestablishing
their leadership and influential role on the national stage. For
this opportunity to be utilized effectively in a timely manner,
Ndiigbo should first articulate and understand what their strategic
interests are and devise the means for attaining and projecting
them.
The
Igbo cultural value system is grounded in the belief that each individual
being is innately imbued with a spirit force, the Chi, with which
he navigates his cosmos as well as link up to the Supreme Spirit
or God. The respect for the individual and his Chi underlies the
evolution of the traditional Igbo political structure which is republican
in nature. Conduct of community’s affairs is based more on
consensus when possible or on the prevalence of the will of the
majority. The elders are still regarded as the custodians of cultural
wisdom and their views are usually deferred to in times of crisis
or divisive controversy. In spite of the introduction of Christianity
and European political influence, this unique characteristic of
the Igbo society has endured. The self-willed nature of the Igbo
may have been responsible for his inclination to explore distant
terrains for new opportunities for self-enhancement. Ndiigbo should
nurture and preserve this core essence of their indigenous cultural
value system even as they imbibe external influences of modernity
and technological advancement. The Osu issue is a relic of the indigenous
Igbo religious practices which has, for all practical purposes,
been replaced by Christianity. It is to the strategic interest of
contemporary Igbo society for it to devise an effective procedure
to expunge the festering sore of the Osu caste system, which belongs
to the religious belief of a bygone era.
The
Igbo society acknowledges and respects individual achievement in
all realms of human endeavor. Most people, who may not have been
able to excel in academics, professional careers and politics, could
still make their mark through the acquisition of material wealth.
The devastation of the Civil War and the subsequent constriction
of many official avenues for advancement of Ndiigbo who were perceived
to have been defeated, compelled a generation of their youths to
pursue self-redemption through the acquisition of material wealth.
The oil boom of the 70s provided the impetus for hordes of them
to migrate into the major cities where they partook in the brisk
retail commercial activities that were made possible by Nigeria’s
increased petroleum revenue. A cadre of Igbo entrepreneurs has emerged
since then and are now playing commanding roles throughout the country
in the distribution and retail of automobile spare parts and accessories,
building materials, electronic goods and pharmaceuticals amongst
others. Land transportation nationwide is mostly provided by the
Ekene Dili Chukwus, Izu Chukwus and the Young Shall Grows and others
whose bus networks are owned and operated by Igbo entrepreneurs.
With the expectant expansion in the economy, as a result of privatization
and liberalization, the dominant status of Ndiigbo in these crucial
aspects of the nation’s economy will become even more palpable
in the coming decades.
The
strategic political interests of Ndiigbo should be reflected at
the local, regional and national levels. It will be a daunting task
to optimize Igbo strategic political interests in the Nigerian Federation
if a regional operational agenda is not first evolved between the
core Igbo states and the neighboring states of Cross River, Akwa
Ibom, Rivers, Bayelsa and Delta. For Ndiigbo to maximize their economic
potential, they need a direct unimpeded access to the Atlantic shores.
The present situation where Ndiigbo prefer to do most of their maritime
trade through Lagos port instead of Port Harcourt and Calabar ports
no longer makes economic or political sense. Igbo political thinkers
and leaders must find a way to approach their neighbors in the Niger
Delta and southeastern coastline, as equal partners, to map out
a program for political cooperation and regional economic development.
Ndiigbo should strongly identify with the ongoing national effort
to work out an acceptable method for ensuring economic justice for
the inhabitants of the Niger Delta whose ancestral land is producing
the wealth of Nigeria. It is to the best interest of Igbos to fight
for the right of states to be the main beneficiaries of resources
that originate form their domain instead of the present set up that
allows for absolute control by the Federal Government.
On
the national level, the Igbo commitment to the building of a strong
and indivisible federation should be unequivocal. This viewpoint
is well grounded on historical precedents and the fact that Ndiigbo
are obviously the most widely dispersed of all the ethnic nationalities
in Nigeria. In the footsteps of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr. Michael
Okpara, Dennis Osadebey, K. O. Mbadiwe, Dr. Akanu Ibiam, Nwafor
Orizu, Muokwugo Okoye, Z. C. Obi and a host of others who were at
the frontline for a nationalist struggle for self-rule, Ndiigbo
must remain devoted to the belief that their interests are best
represented and protected within the context of a strong, united
and democratic Nigerian nation. It was in furtherance of a vision
for a just and united Nigeria that Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu
led the first military intervention to topple the First Republic.
Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi was assassinated because he was trying
to institute a unitary government as a means of diminishing the
overwhelming influence of ethnocentric political leaders of the
post-Independence era. That Ndiigbo opted to secede from Nigeria
was directly precipitated by inability of the powers that were in
control then to guarantee the safety of our lives and property in
the aftermath of the Northern-led coup that ousted Ironsi’s
unitary government. Ndiigbo, in adroit demonstration of our faith
in the continued survival of a united Nigeria, have since reestablished
residence in all nooks and corners of the Federation.
The
Igbo homeland is mostly based in the equatorial rain forest and
a combination of population growth and poor management of land resources
have contributed to substantial environmental degradation that manifests
itself through the emergence of gully erosion, silting of streams
and clogging of the waterways. The pressure to develop our communities
has led to massive deforestation and haphazard construction of roads
that often disrupt established flood channels without provision
of alternative drainage systems. Indigenous Igbo culture attaches
a unique spiritual value to land and its desecration through conscious
acts or by default remains unacceptable. It is a strategic interest
of Ndiigbo to lead in the establishment of sound environmental management
policies to check the present crisis in their home base, oil-producing
areas of the Niger Delta and in arresting the steady southward advance
of the Sahara Desert.
The
strategic interests of Ndiigbo, when properly articulated and understood,
should provide guidance to those who may wish to aspire to lead
or represent them, particularly within the context of the Nigerian
nation. Igbo political pundits and commentators should have a yardstick
with which to rate their leaders, friends and allies. The present
practice of using short-term political trends to justify sweeping
and far-reaching commentaries on the fate of Ndiigbo is amateuristic
and ultimately counterproductive. Politicians can, of course, utilize
any opportunities available to them to voice their views on issue
that may have special appeal for the constituencies that they represent.
Responsible opinion molders should, however, demonstrate restraint
and equanimity in enunciating their perceptions in order not to
misinform the same people for whom they claim to advocate. The present
political climate in the nation offers Ndiigbo, in particular and
the rest of their compatriots, in general, a unique chance to harness
our human and material resources for an unprecedented economic transformation
of Nigeria in the first decade of the new millennium. Strategic
interests of Ndiigbo, when judged with an unbiased mind, are compatible
with the hopes and aspirations of a huge segment of the Nigerian
population, irrespective of diversity in ethnocultural backgrounds.
I make bold to assert that Igbo strategic interests, if pursued
and accomplished, will go a long way in making Nigeria a better
place for all its citizens.
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